Things Are Gonna Slide!

AIR CRASHES, BLACK BOXES, and UNSAFETY BOARDS---EgyptAir Flight 990, More of the Same?

by Sherman H. Skolnick

The National Transportation Safety Board, NTSB, and its predecessor federal agencies, have a long, sorry history of covering up foul play involved in some aircraft disasters. The word "sabotage" is a dirty, forbidden word to them and the airline industry. How can they sell tickets if passengers are haunted by the idea that some planes are put down by bombs, missiles, or other bloody work? Some NTSB panel members, in the past, have been suspected of concealing that some of their family members and cronies have financial interests, if not actual stock ownership, in the airline travel business.

There is, in short, nothing safe about the Safety Board.

About 1965 a commercial plane was enroute to Chicago. Just offshore of the Windy City, the plane blew up and fell in relatively shallow water of Lake Michigan. Early news accounts in some of the newspapers said a bomb was suspected. Later editions, like with political assassinations, cleaned up the messy details. Further stories dismissed the crash as merely some kind of "accident".

One night a diver went down to the wreckage and apparently stole one of the "black boxes", that records various parameters of the plane's operations or records voices in the cockpit. Also removed were apparently certain items in the wreckage. What was that all about? According to some news reports, it was some kind of an unsolved mystery. Left out of reports in the monopoly press were that one of the passengers was a disgruntled top official of the American CIA. He was on the way to meeting a prominent journalist in Chicago. He was going to turn over documents showing that there had been a high-level cabal implicated in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy in 1963. [Not the only time key witnesses were snuffed out on the way to meet with reporters. Example, the Karen Silkwood case. AND, see our details in an earlier story, about Reporters and Assassins(they sleep together)].

These details I had confirmed to me from two reliable sources. One of them was federal aircrash inspector. Unlike some of his colleagues, he had several times endangered his job and career demanding the truth be told about some crashes. BUT, his superiors always told him to "shut up".

The facts were simple. To silence a top espionage official an entire plane was put in the drink killing all onboard.

In December, 1972, one month after President Nixon was re-elected, a commercial plane was headed from Washington's National Airport, set for a stop in Chicago. Among the passengers were twelve WATERGATE figures, including Mrs. E. Howard Hunt, wife of the Watergate burglar. She was nervous about her luggage. So, she bought an additional first class seat ticket for her baggage right near her. Why? Well, contained there was two million dollars of "hush" money, that her husband reportedly blackmailed out of Nixon. Both Mr. and Mrs. E. Howard Hunt were long-time CIA officials. Both reportedly knew about the role of Tricky Dick implicated in the political assassination of President Kennedy. The two million dollars in valuables were to be "parked" apparently with her Chicago-area relatives, one of whom reportedly owns a sizeable accounting and motel operation some say is tied to the "boys", the traditional mafia.

Some of the passengers perished when the United Air Lines plane pancaked just short of Midway Airport. Sooner than the police and fire departments, 150 FBI agents were already in the crash zone keeping local authorities away from the smouldering plane. The FBI headquarters is 12 miles away. How did that many FBI get there that soon, ahead of the fire and police? The FBI apparently were already in the vicinity of the airport waiting to take Mrs. Hunt and some of the other Watergators into custody, to be charged with extortion, that is, shaking down a federal official, namely President Nixon. It was supposed to result in a secret "national security" federal criminal prosecution with the court records sealed.

From all the details we uncovered, we knew Mrs. Hunt and some of her confederates survived the pancaked air plane and were poisoned later by the FBI.

We arranged to "liberate" the entire 1300 pages of documents and pictures of the National Transportation Safety Board, showing sabotage. The NTSB did NOT intend to release THOSE documents in the form they had them. Without telling the NTSB we had their file, we sued the NTSB, claiming sabotage cover up. A local crooked judge, however, put us out of Court without any formal hearing. Because of the lawsuit, the NTSB re-opened their public investigation later. Because of talk radio at the time we had caused a commotion and United Air Lines, likewise unaware we had the complete suppressed file, demanded we be questioned and silenced by the NTSB.

At the start of two full days of special public hearings, I grilled the NTSB panel members on their conflicts of interest, because they were financially tied to the airline industry and United Air Lines. They refused to answer my questions and threatened to remove me from the special hearing where dozens of Establishment reporters had gathered from all over.

I opened up several suitcases containing THEIR records. In front of numerous national reporters and spectators, about 250 in all, I defied the NTSB panel to then and there arrest me for having THEIR file. They ordered me as the subpoenaed witness together with my other witnesseses to proceed. I demonstrated it was most likely a fraud that the NTSB claimed the "black box" from the rear of the plane, the Flight Recorder, had been supposedly "jammed" and no recording made of the technical features of the flight. I showed THEIR transcript of the Cockpit Voice Recorder, proving the airport "Outer Marker", a key navigation instrument, had been turned off ONLY for the Watergate plane. Another key landing instrument device, according to the documents, was turned off for this flight as well. Result: the plane was falsely steered into the ground, and the plane pancaked short of the airport.

I showed THEIR own documents proving the electrical system of the plane had been sabotaged. I put into their faces THEIR own report showing the bodies of Mrs. E.Howard Hunt and her group had an unexplained high-level of cyanide.

I put on the witness stand two witnesses regarding a federal espionage operative who, in a jumpsuit, escaped from the tail of the plane. In an interview, he had blurted out that it was NOT SUPPOSED TO HAPPEN, meaning the pancaking of the plane was not to have occurred. Mrs. Hunt and the others with her were supposed to have been arrested by the FBI when they were to have gotten off the plane at Midway Airport.

I had the documents and pictures all spread out on a large table in front of the NTSB panel. During a recess, a reporter for the Hearst Newspaper chain said to me, "You have not proved, Mr. Skolnick, there was a bomb on that plane. Without that, you don't have anything." Angry, I replied, "Look, friend, not every plane put down by sabotage is because of a bomb onboard." He said, "I don't care. I am not reporting anything from here unless you prove there was a bomb."

The Chicago Tribune photographer and a reporter took a picture of me at the huge table full of suppressed NTSB documents and pictures. In their newspaper, however, they chopped off part of the picture showing the table with the pictures and documents laid out there, and only showed a picture of me. Their story alongside their phony picture, said "Skolnick has no documents of any kind to prove his charges of sabotage."

After a long, full day of testimony, I made a joke. "I do categorically admit that I have no proof whatever that President Nixon and his crony the President of United Air Lines got on that plane and ever shot Mrs. E.Howard Hunt with a 38 caliber gun." In a screaming headline, the Chicago Sun-Times blasted me, turning my joke against me, stating "Skolnick admits No Proof Whatever of Sabotage". I was sore and when I again saw the reporter I said to him, "Friend, this wheelchair is an uninsured, unlicensed vehicle. So if I run you over and put YOU in a wheelchair, well, it is perfectly legal."

To their credit, Associated Press, AP,on their national wire, ran a story, "Chicago legal researcher Sherman H. Skolnick today has presented to a special hearing of the National Transportation Safety Board a heavily documented case of sabotage in a plane crash in which Mrs. E. Howard Hunt and others perished." Only one newspaper, being in the State of Washington, used the AP story. The rest, catering to United Air Lines' owners, the Rockefeller Family, were silent. The Rockefellers own all three major news networks, then and now.

Later, in the so-called "Final Report", the NTSB said it was "pilot error" that caused the crash. As part of the whitewash, they released a falsified version of the transcript of the Cockpit Voice Record er, covering up details tied to the other documents we had showing sabotage. Since I had the transcript before it was falsified by them, I had proof they were rotten liars. If the documents and pictures were widely publicized, which they were not, United Air Lines, then the largest U.S. airline, would have or could have lost their certificate to fly, putting them out of business for covering up airplane sabotage killing 12 Watergate figures, among other passengers.

Soon thereafter, I wrote a book, "The Secret History of Airplane Sabotage". It was a favorite device, I noted, for Adolph Hitler to get rid of his opponents. The book was stopped in the printing cycle by the Rockefeller Family lawyers. Alas, no copies are available.

Later in the 1970s I spoke on college lecture platforms demonstrating the suppressed 1300 documents and pictures of the NTSB. The result of all my efforts? The monopoly press which had once reported some of my crusading efforts in voting cases and judicial corruption, started a total news blackout. Mentioning anything about Skolnick was forbidden. Until I became part of a non-commercial, public access Cable TV Show in 1991, and in 1995 became the moderator/producer of the same----until then, people would stop me and ask, "I don't see you anymore on TV, Mr. Skolnick. I thought you quit, were dead, or left the country."

I mention all this because it seems we are to suffer more of the fraud by the commercial-airline-dominated National Transportation Safety Board.

In 1996 Vice President Albert Gore, Jr., returned from Europe reportedly with a complete list of airplanes shot down by missiles, whether by terrorists or by "friendly fire" mistakes. Most of those on the list apparently had not been mentioned in the monopoly press. Once part of the Senate Intelligence Subcommittee. Gore has been in a position to understand these things from the standpoint of espionage agencies and their dirty work. Is it just because of "national security" excuses that the list has not been made public?

Regarding the crash of EgyptAir Flight 990, the federal secret political police, the FBI, have caused their media lap dogs to mislead the public that Flight 990 crashed into the Atlantic Ocean because a relief co-pilot grabbed hold of the controls and, wanting to commit suicide, aimed the plane down toward the water. "The liars and Whores of the Press" went along with the FBI, trumpeting that this co-pilot had mouthed off some religious words indicating he was about to commit suicide. Because of the alternative press, postings on Internet, talk radio, and such, the monopoly press could not quite get away with this fraudulent explanation.

Without coming right out and saying, "On behalf of the FBI, we lied to you last week," the Associated Press story started out,"The suspicious words 'I made my decision now', are not on the cockpit voice recorder of EgyptAir Flight 990 after all, a government official says." [AP story, 11/20/99.] Since the NTSB policy is never to release the actual tape, how can we ever independently verify what, if anything, was said in that ill-fated cockpit? Like the Watergate plane crash in 1972, are the FBI and NTSB going to fake up a supposed transcript of the Cockpit Voice Recorder of Flight 990 to release to the sucker public? Like some crusaders, WHO is prepared to somehow arrange to grab their records and fling them into the face of the secret political police and the Unsafety Board fakers?

Some as yet unanswered questions about Flight 990:

1. Was the Cockpit Voice Recorder actually retrieved much earlier than revealed, altered, and then flung back into the ocean to be "found" later?

2. Were some of the upwards of 60 Egyptian military officers on that plane---some already revealed, some not yet---FOR or AGAINST the Established government in Cairo? [As an example: 8 officials of the French CIA died in the apparent missile attack on TWA Flight 800. A top officials of that French spy agency, however, at the last minute, refused to get on that flight with his colleagues. Sixty French nationals died in Flight 800 which had been bound for Paris.]

3. Did the American CIA, experts in airplane sabotage, play any role in the demise of Flight 990?

4. Why do the fakers, in the press, in the FBI, in the NTSB, keep mouthing off about the sole importance of the "black boxes"? The super-secret National Reconnaissance Office, NRO, in charge of satellites and video imaging from satellites, has accurate images showing whether there was an outburst of an explosive device on Flight 990, or a missile hit or near-hit, which the pilots may have been trying to evade. Apparently a U.S. Coast guard sub-chaser plane, a P-3, mentioned only in early reports, was shadowing Flight 990. Why? And why isn't the public told that foreign submarines, some hostile to the U.S. and missile-equipped, often lay offshore on the East Coast? The P-3 can spot submarines at the bottom of the ocean. And what about the several sub-chasing airplanes in the vicinity of TWA Flight 800?

[Counter-terrorist experts who appeared on one of my TV Shows, off-camera told me that the best informed believe a former Soviet submarine, bought and owned by Iran, manned by a Russian mercenary crew, apparently downed Flight 800 with submarine-based missiles, as known to the Clinton White House. And Clinton did not and does not want to start up with Iran, but rather, to divert public attention from his scandals, by attacking Iran's archenemy, Iraq.]

For national security, the Eastern seaboard is surveilled practically inch-by-inch by NRO satellites. Until about 1995, it was unlawful and forbidden to mention in the monopoly press that such an agency as the NRO even exists. A key official of the NRO, Daniel Potter, was murdered in March, 1998. He was an expert on video imaging and was aware the agency had images showing, for example, the missiles attacking TWA Flight 800. And had images showing Clinton White House Deputy Counsel Vincent W. Foster, Jr.'s body was removed from near the White House and parked in Fort Marcy Park, Virginia, as if he committed suicide when he was,in fact, murdered. The bottom line: Does not the U.S. Government and the Clinton White House already know what happened to EgyptAir Flight 990? And are they heading off, by leaked lies, a huge airplane sabotage commotion with international implications? Cynics say the answer for traveling within the U.S. is to have speedy "bullet" trains like Japan.

Since 1958,Mr. Skolnick has been a court reformer. Since 1963, fou. Since 1963, founder/chairman, Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, disclosing instances of judicial and other bribery and political murders. Since 1991, a regular panel member and since 1995, moderator/producer of "Broadsides", a one hour weekly public access Cable TV Show cablecast in Chicago. For a heavy packet of our printed stories, send $5.00[U.S. funds] and a stamped, self-addressed business sized envelope [#10 size, 4-1/4 x 9-1/2] WITH THREE STAMPS ON IT, to Citizen's Committee to Clean Up the Courts, Sherman H. Skolnick,chairman, 9800 So. Oglesby Ave., Chicago IL 60617-4870. Office: 8 a.m. to midnight, 7 days- (773) 375-5741 [PLEASE no "Just Routine" calls]. Before sending FAX, call us.

More on PROMIS: Israeli Spy Cover-Up Crumbles

By Jack Colhoun, from

On Nov. 3, 1989, Ari Ben-Menashe was taking a shower at a friend's house in Los Angeles when the police arrived. They ordered the dripping-wet Israeli to step out of the shower.

After letting Ben-Menashe dress, the police took the stunned world traveler into custody. He was charged with violating the U.S. Arms Export Control Act by trying to sell three C-130 transport planes to Iran with a false end-user certificate.

Ben-Menashe would later describe his reaction to his arrest as disbelief. He considered himself a significant player in the world of intelligence, skipping around the globe for more than a decade, putting together arms deals that the Israeli government favored and disrupting those that Israel opposed.

Though little understood at the time, the arrest also created a dangerous moment for a slew of top-secret U.S. and Israeli intelligence operations.

Behind the scenes, Israeli officials understood that Ben-Menashe's knowledge could be a serious threat, according to Gideon's Spies: The Secret History of the Mossad, a new book by British author Gordon Thomas.

Israeli leaders knew from debriefing legendary spymaster, Rafi Eitan, that Ben-Menashe had worked on some of Israel's most sensitive projects, Thomas reported based on his own interviews with Eitan.

"Rafi Eitan [told his Israeli debriefers] that Ari Ben-Menashe was in a position to blow wide open the U.S./Israeli arms-to-Iran network whose tentacles had extended everywhere: down to Central and South America, through London, into Australia, across to Africa, deep into Europe," Thomas wrote.

Indeed, Ben-Menashe possessed information that, if corroborated, could have shaken U.S.-Israeli relations and possibly destroyed the reputation of the sitting president of the United States, George Bush.

But Ben-Menashe kept quiet initially, assuming that the embarrassing arrest would be reversed. After he was transferred to the federal prison in New York City, Ben-Menashe waited for the Israeli government to set matters straight and arrange for his release.

Ben-Menashe soon discovered, however, that the Israeli government would not be coming to his rescue. So, finding himself in deep trouble and on his own, Ben-Menashe decided to talk with a few American reporters about what he knew. He began to tell a complex tale of international intrigue and arms-trafficking that involved top Israelis and senior U.S. officials.

Ben-Menashe's most dramatic claim was his insistence that he spotted Bush at a Paris meeting with Iranians in October 1980 as part of a covert Republican scheme to torpedo President Carter's negotiations for freeing 52 Americans then held hostage in Iran.

Ben-Menashe also implicated senior CIA official Robert Gates in the so-called "October Surprise" controversy as well as the Likud government of Menachem Begin, who apparently feared that a second Carter term would lead to a Palestinian state. [See David Kimche’s The Last Option.]

Beyond the Iran caper, Ben-Menashe dished up other juicy secrets. He described a clandestine U.S. policy to funnel weapons via Chile to Saddam Hussein's Iraq.

Ben-Menashe also claimed knowledge of Israeli intelligence penetration of the U.S. government at top levels, Israel's use of press magnate Robert Maxwell as a spy, and the distribution of rigged computer software to extract secrets from other governments.

All told, Ben-Menashe's accounts represented what could have been a major intelligence breach for both the Israeli and U.S. governments. If true, his information would literally rewrite the history of the Reagan-Bush era and expose President Bush, in particular, to charges of collaborating with Iranian terrorists to fix the outcome of the U.S. presidential election in 1980.

As the scope of Ben-Menashe's disclosures sank in, the Israeli government initiated a campaign to discredit him. Government officials began telling Israeli journalists that Ben-Menashe was "an imposter" who was fabricating his claims of official Israeli connections.

In a typical account, The Jerusalem Post quoted an "authoritative" source as stating that "the Defence establishment 'never had any contacts with Ari Ben-Menashe and his activities'." [The Jerusalem Post, March 27, 1990]

That initial cover story, however, crumbled when reporter Robert Parry obtained internal Israeli documents revealing that Ben-Menashe had worked from 1977-87 for an arm of Israeli military intelligence, called the External Relations Department.

Faced with those documents, the Israeli government retreated, admitting that the documents were real and that Ben-Menashe indeed had worked for Israeli intelligence. But authorities in Tel Aviv still tried to minimize Ben-Menashe's importance.

The Israeli government and the Bush administration grew more nervous after Ben-Menashe won acquittal from a federal jury in New York City on Nov. 28, 1990 -- in part because he established that he had performed intelligence work for Israel.

By early 1991, Israel and the White House were turning to their allies in the U.S. press for help. The hope was that friendly reporters could make Ben-Menashe into a laughingstock and consign his dangerous disclosures to the loony bin of conspiracy theories.

Steven Emerson, a New Republic writer with contacts inside the Likud, traveled to Israel where he was shown derogatory records about Ben-Menashe. Emerson returned to Washington and began ridiculing Ben-Menashe as "a low-level translator" who was "delusional."

Other U.S. reporters picked up the drumbeat of negative assessments about Ben-Menashe. On three consecutive weeks in fall 1991, Newsweek ran articles attacking Ben-Menashe's credibility. Emerson also repeated his critical reporting in stories for CNN, the Wall Street Journal’s editorial page and the American Journalism Review.

Despite the attacks, investigative journalist Seymour Hersh used Ben-Menashe as a source in Hersh's 1991 book about the Israeli nuclear program, The Samson Option.

Ben-Menashe provided details about the top-secret Israeli nuclear arsenal as well as Maxwell's intelligence activities, information that Hersh managed to corroborate with other sources. But even the renowned Hersh came under harsh criticism from fellow journalists for citing Ben-Menashe.

In 1992-93, a House task force, headed by Reps. Lee Hamilton, D-Ind., and Henry Hyde, R-Ill., buried Ben-Menashe even deeper when the panel rejected his allegations about the October Surprise case, including his eyewitness claim of seeing Bush in Paris.

The Hamilton-Hyde task force reached those conclusions despite contradictory testimony about Bush’s alibi for the weekend when Ben-Menashe and other witnesses placed Bush in Paris. [For details about the problems with Bush’s alibi and the gaps in the Hamilton-Hyde report, see Robert Parry’s Trick or Treason.]

Over the years, other witnesses added support to Ben-Menashe’s claims that he participated in clandestine Israeli intelligence operations. In the Israeli daily, Davar, reporter Pazit Ravina wrote, "in talks with people who worked with Ben-Menashe, the claim that he had access to highly sensitive intelligence information was confirmed again and again."

American journalist Craig Unger described similar information in The Village Voice. Unger quoted a senior intelligence official, Moshe Habroni, who stated that "Ben-Menashe served directly under me. … He had access to very, very sensitive material." [Village Voice, July 7, 1992]

Some of Ben-Menashe's key claims gained important factual corroboration, too. After dying mysteriously at sea, Maxwell was unmasked as an Israeli operative. In another instance, one of Ronald Reagan's national security aides, Howard Teicher, submitted an affidavit in a federal criminal case describing a CIA-backed covert operation to funnel military supplies through Chile to Iraq, just as Ben-Menashe had claimed.

Other new evidence supported the October Surprise charges. [For details, see Robert Parry's books, The October Surprise X-Files and Lost History.]

But the Washington news media did not reconsider its dismissive judgment of Ben-Menashe. That attitude has continued despite the additional corroboration of Ben-Menashe's bona fides published this year in Gideon's Spies.

Nevertheless, the book fills in an important new chapter of the Ben-Menashe saga: how alarmed Israeli intelligence officials understood the danger posed by Ben-Menashe's wide-ranging knowledge and how they mounted a disinformation campaign to discredit him.

Thomas's principal contribution to the Ben-Menashe puzzle comes from the author's interviews with Rafi Eitan, the Israeli master spy who engineered the capture of Nazi fugitive Adolph Eichmann in Argentine in 1960 and served as Mossad's deputy director of operations for 25 years.

In the interviews, Eitan, who is now in his mid-60s, acknowledged that Ben-Menashe was one of his protegés. According to Gideon's Spies, Eitan and Ben-Menashe worked together in the 1980s setting up a clandestine U.S.-Israeli arms network to procure weapons for sale to Iran.

Eitan also disclosed that he and Ben-Menashe collaborated on a project using so-called PROMIS software to collect sensitive intelligence about Israel's enemies in the Middle East.

Ben-Menashe has claimed he worked with Eitan on the top secret Joint Committee for Iran-Israel Relations, a combined effort by the Mossad and the External Relations Department to rebuild their influence in Iran after the overthrow of the Shah in 1979.

Ben-Menashe would have appeared a reasonable choice for the operation since he had been born in Iran, spoke fluent Farsi and was a contemporary of young Iranians rising to prominence under the Khomeini regime. But Thomas’s interviews with Eitan now corroborate those assertions.

So, in the early 1990s, while most U.S. and Israeli journalists were accepting the word of government sources and battering Ben-Menashe's credibility, the Israeli government knew from Eitan that Ben-Menashe's accounts were largely accurate, Thomas reported.

Asked for details about Eitan's confirmation of Ben-Menashe's intelligence role, Thomas told me that he had sent Eitan a copy of Ben-Menashe's 1992 memoirs, Profits of War. The book described Ben-Menashe's accounts of his intelligence exploits and his claim about the Republican-Israeli secret Iran-hostage collaboration in 1980.

Thomas said Eitan reported back that he had no criticism of the book. According to Thomas, Eitan stated that Ben-Menashe "is telling the truth. … That's why they squashed it." As for Ben-Menashe’s espionage skills, Eitan asserted that "as an intelligence operative, [he was] tops,” Thomas said.

In the 1980s, some of Eitan's most controversial work was as head of LAKAM, a military intelligence unit created to collect scientific and technological intelligence.

In one of Eitan's daring operations, the spymaster authorized recruitment of Jonathan Pollard, an American Jew who was a civilian intelligence analyst at the U.S. Navy's Anti-Terrorism Alert Center. Pollard was assigned to spy within the U.S. Defense Department and to steal sensitive U.S. documents.

"Over 1,000 highly classified documents, 360 cubic feet of paper, were transmitted to Israel," Thomas wrote. "There Rafi Eitan devoured them before passing over the material to the Mossad. The data enabled [its director general] Nahum Admoni to brief [Prime Minister] Shimon Peres … on how to respond to Washington's Middle East policies in a manner previously impossible."

But the operation backfired in 1985 when Pollard was arrested while fleeing to the Israeli embassy in Washington, D.C. The operation was traced to LAKAM, and Eitan was blamed for endangering U.S.-Israeli relations.

Apparently, Eitan was willing to disclose to Thomas other LAKAM-connected intelligence successes to offset the damage that the Pollard case has done to Eitan’s reputation.

In particular, Eitan touted an ingenious scheme for extracting secrets from the computerized files of other nations, an intelligence coup that Eitan saw as a crowning achievement to his career as Israel’s most famous spy.

According to Gideon’s Spies, Eitan confirmed Ben-Menashe's account that Israel reaped an intelligence bonanza by exploiting a sophisticated American software program called PROMIS. At the time, PROMIS was a state-of-art program capable of complex data management; it was designed to track the progress of federal criminal cases.

Eitan said he learned about PROMIS from Earl Brian, an American businessman who had been secretary of health and welfare under California Gov. Ronald Reagan in the early 1970s. Eitan knew of Brian because of the American's business trips to Iran in the 1970s.

According to Thomas's book, Eitan invited Brian to Tel Aviv, where they met "several times." Brian broached the subject of PROMIS software, which was already being employed by U.S. intelligence agencies.

Fascinated by the intelligence possibilities, Eitan brainstormed a plan to adapt PROMIS to Israeli intelligence needs. Eitan wanted to make PROMIS a cyber-age "Trojan Horse" that would glean secrets about Palestinian militants and political leaders from government files in Jordan and other nations.

Eitan soon got a copy of PROMIS from the United States, according to Gideon's Spies. Ben-Menashe claimed that he was instructed to arrange for the installation of a "trapdoor" or a "built-in chip" to permit the secret downloading of data.

Eitan's next task was to find a front company to sell PROMIS to Jordan. Since an Israeli company would not be trusted, "Earl Brian's company, Hadron, made the deal," Thomas wrote.

With PROMIS software installed in Jordan's military intelligence headquarters, Thomas reported, Eitan's strategy paid off in the downloading of sensitive information about Israel's adversaries.

"PROMIS could track a terrorist's every step," Thomas wrote. He called Eitan's project an intelligence "breakthrough" that enhanced his stature as "a powerful figure in the Israeli intelligence community." [In testimony, Brian denied a role in the PROMIS operation.]

Flush with success, Eitan decided to cast a wider net. Thomas reported that Eitan developed an ambitious plan to market PROMIS worldwide to Israel's allies and enemies alike. For that operation, Eitan needed a front company with greater international reach. So, he turned to press magnate Robert Maxwell and his access to world leaders.

"The power of his newspapers meant that presidents and prime ministers were ready to receive him," an Israeli intelligence official told Thomas. Maxwell also had close ties to top Israeli leaders and a formal relationship with the Mossad, according to Gideon’s Spies.

Soon, Maxwell was marketing the doctored software through Degem Computers, an Israeli company that Maxwell had purchased, Thomas reported. He added that Eitan's operation sold more than $500 million worth of PROMIS by 1989 to intelligence services in Australia, Great Britain, Canada, Guatemala, Poland, South Africa, South Korea and even the Soviet Union's KGB.

Though Thomas says he has corroborated parts of Eitan's assertions, some claims still rest heavily on Eitan's word. In studying the complicated PROMIS issue for several years, however, I have been able to confirm some additional elements of Eitan's account.

For example, the use of secret trapdoors to tap into a computer's files was a well-established practice by the early 1980s, according to papers prepared by U.S. military experts.

In an article in the Air University Review of January-February 1979, Lt. Col. Roger Schell described the techniques used by special U.S. Air Force teams to penetrate “secure” computer systems. Schell noted that the teams could install undetectable trapdoors to “bypass the normal security checks.”

Navy Lt. Philip Myers made a similar observation in a 1980 masters thesis in computer science written at the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif. "The attacker can construct the trapdoor in such a manner as to make it virtually undetectable to even suspecting investigators," wrote Myers.

Myers also noted that trapdoors and "Trojan horses" can be "implemented in either hardware or software." The reference to the PROMIS trapdoor as a "built-in chip" suggests that the secret access could have been implanted in computer hardware that could then have been sold with the PROMIS software as a package deal.

I also discovered evidence of Brian's travels to Iran in the 1970s. I found proof, too, that Brian's Hadron was linked to U.S. intelligence and did top-secret work in Jordan.

Some information was in old newspapers. "Dr. Earl Brian reportedly is out to get a little of that Middle Eastern oil money," the Sacramento Bee reported on Jan. 12, 1975. "Brian, the secretary of the Health and Welfare agency under Ronald Reagan, is helping to write a proposal on health care for Iran."

I located other evidence at the National Archives in newly opened files from an investigation by Independent Counsel Jacob Stein who examined the personal finances of White House counselor Edwin Meese III. Brian was interviewed because in 1981, he had given Meese a $15,000 interest-free loan that Meese had used to buy stock in Brian's new Biotech Capital Corp.

Brian told one of Stein's investigators that he did "some corporate consulting" in Iran in the 1970s.

Brian also was president of the Los Angeles-based Xonics, Inc. in 1975-77. An FBI agent's memo to Stein described Xonics as a high-tech company with "several contracts with the Department of Defense and the CIA." Xonics specialized in telecommunications, radar techniques and X-ray imaging.

In 1978, Brian invested heavily in Hadron, a company based in Vienna, Va., that did high-tech communications and computer work for the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence. Two years later, Brian gained control of the company and began acquiring small firms with their own national-security contracts.

One of those purchases in December 1981 was Telcom, a communications engineering company that handled sensitive work for Jordan's armed forces and King Hussein. Telcom had a contract with the Royal Jordanian Air Force to set up a digital voice and microwave communications system, according to Hadron's Form 10-K filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission in 1983.

Hadron's Form 10-K for 1984 described Telcom's upgrade of the communications system of the Jordanian Royal Palace in Amman. Telcom also operated the microwave network of the Special Communications Commission of the Jordanian Armed Forces.

In 1985, Hadron reported that Telcom personnel operated "a number of communications facilities" for "a proprietary U.S. Government agency," a phrase meaning an intelligence cut-out.

In other words, Eitan's account of Brian's activities would fit with the documentary evidence about Brian's businesses in the Middle East and in the United States. By the early 1980s, under Brian's guidance, Hadron had grown into a company with $30 million annual revenues, exclusively from national-security contracts.

[In 1996, Brian was convicted of fraud in an unrelated securities case and was sentenced to 4 ½ years in federal prison.]

Thomas told me that Eitan admitted that he was in direct contact with the developers of the original PROMIS software, a small Washington, D.C.-based company called Inslaw. Thomas said Eitan acknowledged that he was the mysterious Israeli who visited Inslaw's office in February 1983, using the name "Ben Orr."

Several years after the visit, Inslaw president William Hamilton learned from an Israeli journalist that Eitan sometimes called himself, "Dr. Joseph Ben Orr." After checking Eitan's photo, Hamilton and other members of his staff recognized Eitan as their visitor.

Wittingly or not, Ronald Reagan's Justice Department appeared to have facilitated that visit and Israel's procurement of PROMIS. In an ongoing federal claims case filed by Inslaw against the U.S. government for unauthorized use of PROMIS, a Justice Department official testified that he arranged for an Israeli official, called Ben Orr, to visit Inslaw and to receive a copy of PROMIS in May 1983.

Ben Orr "was a professor in Israel and expressed interest in case tracking," said C. Madison Brewer, the department's project manager for the PROMIS contract. "I made arrangements for him to go to Inslaw for a demonstration. … At a later date, he made a request for PROMIS," which Brewer said the Justice Department provided.

I asked Thomas why he thought Eitan was going public now with these disclosures. Thomas replied that Eitan simply considered his intelligence coups of the 1980s among his greatest professional triumphs and wanted credit.

"Rafi Eitan wants to leave a legacy that he was Israel's greatest spymaster since Gideon," said Thomas, referring to the Old Testament hero whose spying saved the Israelites from destruction. "He [Eitan] thinks what he created with PROMIS was the perfect climax to his career."

In asserting his claim to Gideon-like status, Eitan also burnished the reputation of his understudy, Ari Ben-Menashe. It now appears that Ben-Menashe, who lives in Canada, did possess real information despite the negative judgments by Congress and much of the Washington press corps.

Jack Colhoun, Ph.D., is an investigative reporter and a Cold War historian.

Previous Things Are Gonna Slide! Column