The
demands for movie reform should thus be seen as part of a broader reaffirmation
of traditional patriarchal values
at
a moment of cultural crisis. This
reaffirmation, itself a displaced expression of anxiety for the economic system
among
the middle class, focused primarily on a concern that the family unit was in danger of
disintegrating. Motherhood…underwent
a
strenuous revival….The overt concern of movie reform
groups with the deleterious effects of movies on children aligned
them
with the larger trend, while the underlying anxieties of white Protestants
regarding their declining control of the culture
were
reflected in the overt anti-urbanism and implicit anti-Semitism of the
campaign. (258)
[Cp
Grand Design, 41: “The institution of
censorship in Hollywood was not primarily about controlling the content of
movies
at the level of forbidden words or actions or inhibiting the freedom of
expression of individual producers.
Rather,
it
was about the cultural function of entertainment and the possession of cultural
power.”]
The
debate among the institutions of censorship over what the SRC [ Studio
Relations Committee] described as “social
problem”
pictures was centered on the efficacy of narrative recuperation in
contradicting scopophilic pleasure, expressed
in
terms of the extent to which a film’s morality was to be assessed on the basis
of “the effect of the whole.” (259)
from Richard Maltby, “’Baby Face,’ or How Joe Breen Made Barbara Stanwyck Atone for Causing the Wall Street Crash,” 251-78 in Janet Staiger, ed., The Studio System (Rutgers, 1995)
For
all industry parties, issues of oligopoly control and trade practices were much
more important than censorship. But
questions
of censorship were of greater public interest, and
could also be resolved at less economic risk to the majors.
These
factors encouraged the MPPDA to displace disputes over the industry’s
distribution of profits onto another arena—
quite
literally, from the economic base to the ideological superstructure of movie
content.
Maltby, “The Production Code and the Hays Office,” in Balio, Grand Design,
37-72.
Compare/contrast
Žižek, “Ego and Superego: Lacan as a Viewer of Casblanca”:
We can see
how the functioning of this fundamental prohibition is properly perverse, in so
far as it unavoidably gets caught in
the reflexive
flip by means of which the very defence against the
prohibited sexual content generates an excessive all-pervasive
sexualization
- the role of censorship is much more ambiguous than it may appear. The obvious
retort to this point would be
that we are
thereby inadvertently elevating the Hays Production Code into a subversive machine more
threatening to the system
of domination
than direct tolerance: are we
not claiming that the harsher is direct censorship, the more subversive are the
unintended
by-products generated by it? The way to answer this reproach is to emphasize that
these unintended perverse
by-products,
far from genuinely threatening the system of symbolic domination, are its
built-in transgression, its unacknowledged
obscene
support.