Victoria
Sturtevant, “’But things is changin’ nowadays and Mammy’s getting’ bored’:
Hattie McDaniel and the Culture of Dissemblance,” Velvet Light Trap, 44 (Fall
1999): 68-79
The irony
surrounding McDaniel's success concerns her white studio employers' easy
acceptance of her as a "genuine" domestic type. It is now a matter of
Hollywood legend that when David O. Selznick was casting Gone with the Wind, actress Louise Beavers was considered by many
as the front runner in the race for Mammy, given her much-praised success as
Delilah in Imitation of Life
(Universal, 1934). Beavers arrived in Selznick's office for her interview
dressed up in her best furs--dressed, in other words, as an actress. Hattie
McDaniel arrived in his office dressed in head rag, apron, and Civil War-era
housedress borrowed from the studio costuming department. The rest is history.
(11)
For the
remainder of her career, McDaniel was "affectionately" called Mammy
by fellow actors and spectators. (12) For her personal appearances, the studio
insisted that she be billed as Hattie "Mammy" McDaniel. (12) Fans,
employers, and colleagues were encouraged not to consider the prospect that
America's most popular servant was engaging in an expanded form of the culture
of dissemblance, that she was an actress, that she was "faking it."
In some sense, Hollywood is always participating in this fiction--the star
system, especially during the first half of the twentieth century, fed off of
audiences' willing beliefs that performers were more or less authentically
reflected in the roles they played. But close inspection of publicity for white
actresses reveals that their personae as performers were able to withstand a
far greater amount of complexity and contradiction than Hattie McDaniel was
accorded. Claudette Colbert could, in the course of a single year, play the
title character in Cecil B. DeMille's Cleopatra
(Paramount, 1934), a twenty-something runaway heiress in It Happened One Night (Columbia, 1934), and the working widowed
mother of a teenager in Imitation of Life
(Universal, 1934). Readers of fan magazines would be informed that
"ditzy" Carole Lombard was one of the most level-headed and
intelligent women in filmdom and that brassy Joan Crawford was a devoted mother.
A single
issue of Photoplay (July 1936)
demonstrates the dizzying range of contradiction which could be absorbed by the
publicity for white actresses during this era, with three separate articles
devoted to the doings of Ginger Rogers. The first of these is titled "Lew
Ayres' Own Story of the Break-Up of His and Ginger Rogers' Marriage." This
article posits Rogers as nearly ill with overwork and exhaustion, noting that
as she arrived home during the interview with then-husband Ayres, "she
sank into a chair, the picture of weariness, and launched into a recitation of
her slavery at the studio" (emphasis mine). (14) The article is a
gut-wrenching account of how Rogers's grinding work schedule has doomed her
marriage to popular young screen actor Lew Ayres. The second, an item in
"Cal York's Gossip of Hollywood," paints the following similarly
bleak picture of Rogers's health and well-being: "Ginger, who loves her
tennis, swimming, and golf, has been forced to give them up. Her weight has
dropped to such an alarming degree that doctors have ordered complete rest and
no exercise except the dancing required for her picture work." (15)
Alongside these two portraits of Ginger-the-laborer suffering mightily under
the burden of her work, Photoplay features a two-page fashion layout titled
"Ginger Rogers Shops for Hats" comprised of six photographs of the
star modeling (what else?) the season's hats. The captions emphasize Rogers's
natural, effortless beauty: "Only if you are as young and radiant as
Ginger may you tilt your hat back like this. The black straw coolie frame is
lined with chiffon." (16) Radiant, indeed. The contrasting images of
Rogers as victim of overwork, exhaustion, and marital discord and Rogers as
bright-eyed, glowing fashion plate exist in apparent harmony within the same
discursive frame.
McDaniel's
publicity, on the other hand, welds her personal life to her screen persona
with remarkable fidelity. The pressbook issued in
1940 for her personal appearance tour makes proud note of McDaniel's history as
a maid:
At the age of 15, Hattie became a mother's
helper. She washed clothes and
dishes, watched
babies and cooked dinners, an art she learned from her own
mother. She has
always been glad of that experience, for in latter
years,
when slack days hit
her theatrical career, she has not been too proud to
become a domestic
in a private home to tide her over. (17)
The
emphasis on McDaniel's authenticity was, in part, an attempt to offset the
patent inauthenticity of the remainder of the cast of GWTW. None of the major cast members was Southern (Hattie McDaniel
was born in Kansas); Vivien Leigh and Leslie Howard were of course British. But
McDaniel is the target for an especially radical authenticity-peddling because
her identity and heritage as a black woman are wrapped up in ideas of willing
servitude and a widespread cultural denial that she is dissembling. This denial
is taken to a shocking extreme in a similar press release which emphasizes
McDaniel's pedigree (literally) as a Southern Mammy:
Hattie's grandmother lived and worked on
such plantations as the Tara
described in
Margaret Mitchell's bestselling novel of the Civil War South.
She might well have been of the kindly,
fiercely possessive type whose
loyalty to her white
mistress never wavered. She would be proud, were she
alive today, to see
her granddaughter become the servant of "quality folks"
on the motion
picture screen. (18)
Proud,
indeed. Ginger Rogers's film work was a
form of "slavery," while Mammy is the O'Haras'
"servant." The complacent racism of the two McDaniel press releases
lies not only in their desperate insistence that Hollywood's fictions of
contented servitude are uncanny reflections of a gracious and enviable reality
but also in their insistence that the woman who performs in those fictions is
an unreflective, essential, natural, "native" participant, rather
than a professional, crafting a performance of an identity not her own.